Suchergebnisse

A workshop paper on water rights, conflict and water management in Zimbabwe. ; Any resource, such as water, when used by more than one person, tends to attract conflicts about how it is shared. This is especially true when the resource is scarce and yet the number of users is large. In such cases, conflict resolution mechanisms are an important component of sustainable resource management. This chapter sketches the dilemmas posed by the absence of conflict resolution mechanisms in the Umvumvumvu catchment in eastern Zimbabwe, a catchment composed of non-homogenous users (see Figure 11.1). The chapter goes a step further and attempts to isolate the main causes for this situation. The principal factor was the main legislation governing water allocation in the country, the Water Act (1976) No. 41. The inappropriateness of this piece of legislation vis-a- vis the realities in the catchment had to do with some of its central tenets. Practically all the actors in the catchment did not relate to the difficult system of defining property rights (water user rights). The doctrine of priority system, the basis of water allocation in Zimbabwe, espousing the principle of first-come- first served in granting water rights, and first-come-last out during water scarcity, was a problem as will be shown below. Another problem was a centralized conflict resolution structure located far away in the capital city (Harare), which moreover, embodied alien concepts of conflict resolution. Compounding this situation were a group of actors who, although sharing a common water source, found little reason to co-operate. The hydrologic behaviour of the water source, the Umvumvumvu River, further complicated matters as the fluctuations in the supply was not accompanied by flexible water sharing arrangements. ; Special thanks are due to the Netherlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC), The Hague, for providing financial support towards the hosting of the workshop upon which this book is based. NUFFIC also met part of the publication costs. The two coordinating committees of the Zimbabwe Programme on Women, Extension, Sociology and Irrigation (ZIMWESI), a NUFFIC-funded inter-university exchange programme in research and training between the University of Zimbabwe and Wageningen Agricultural University deserve special mention for the moral support they gave us.

A position paper on how water usage is poorly managed by most rural smallholder irrigation farmers hence the need for well managed water conservation schemes like practicing block irrigation on the plots. ; In many smallholder irrigation schemes in Zimbabwe poor water use is cited as one common problem. Water is reportedly lost during conveyance, distribution and application in the field. The causes of this problem are varied. Most of the losses are said to be at or below the field channel gate (Pearce and Armstrong, 1990: 18). Inequitable distribution of water between blocks, between head and tail users along canals and differential water distribution at field level have been documented (Pazvakavambwa, 1984a; Pearce and Armstrong, 1990; Donkor. 1991). Over- irrigating has also been cited as another problem, particularly in gravity schemes (Makadho, 1993). These studies, in various ways, have emphasized the need for solutions to be found to the water-management problem in smallholder irrigation. Agritex, the government department with the mandate to develop smallholder irrigation in the country, alongside its extension service mandate, has taken steps.to address poor water use. One strategy that has been employed is the block system of irrigation. This system is currently used in most 'new' schemes constructed after 1985, in those that are under rehabilitation as well as in other 'old' schemes that are being re-organized. There are perceived advantages associated with this system. These advantages, gleaned by the author from interviews and discussions with a number of Agritex engineers and extensionists, fall into three categories. The most frequently advanced reason is efficient water use through accurate irrigation scheduling. The second advantage which relates to economic aspects of crop production is that it is easier to market the crop produce. Thirdly, block irrigation is conceived as making crop rotations easier to implement which ultimately results in improved maintenance of soil fertility. A related advantage is the possibility of better past and disease control.

A number of Southern African countries, including Malawi,
Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe,
embarked on water reform processes in the 1990s and identified
stakeholder participation as a critical component towards achieving
sustainable water resource management. This article examines attempts
at institutionalising stakeholder participation in Zimbabwe, which has
made significant strides in this regard. The enactment of the Water Act
by the Government of Zimbabwe in 1998 broadened stakeholder
participation in water resource management. For the first time,
indigenous smallholder farmers were also made stakeholders, a right
that had been enjoyed by a few white large-scale commercial farmers.
This article examines the strategic actions employed by different
stakeholder groups in water resource management under the new
dispensation. Strategic analyses, using Long's (1992) actor-oriented
approach, illustrate that the strategies of the stakeholders form part of a
wider contestation over productive resources in Zimbabwe between
different groups of people. The contestations in the water sector have
shifted from the legal domain and assumed more subtle forms of
contestations in the mould of "consultation" and "participation", the
new buzz words of liberal democracy, which have been readily used as
legitimising symbols by some powerful stakeholders. However, the
less powerful stakeholders have also weapons to fight back. Such an
analysis can shed light on the ramifications of contestations deployed
in the quest for control of resources better than social learning and
communicative rationality theoretical perspectives. The data presented
in this article was collected in the Save Catchment Council area in the
eastern part of Zimbabwe between August 2001 and April 2002.

This article explores the entry and spread of IWRM in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. It traces how the idea of IWRM was pro moted and sustained throughout the region by mapping key events, actors and networks that were involved in promoting the approach. It highlights the importance of regional networks in promoting IWRM and shows how regional dynamics, playing out at the inter face between the global and local levels, influenced the adoption/adaptation and spread of IWRM. The article finds that the idea of IWRM 'hit the ground running' in SADC due to several contributing factors. These include: historical political connections between the member countries; historically rooted well established channels and connections with bilateral and multilateral donors; the success of networks such as the Global Water Partnership and WaterNet whose mandate was to promote the concept; and the fact that two-thirds of the region's population live in transboundary basins with IWRM providing a suitable hook for transboundary cooperation, often inspired by European models. The article further argues that IWRM thrived because of strong donor agendas that were adapted by key SADC actors to suit strategic interests. It thus provided a platform for complex politically charged negotiations to reconcile apparently divergent goals such as infrastructure vs management and regional vs national interests. The practice of IWRM in the region is very much shaped by a conflation of regional, national and donor interests and has now acquired a life of its own, despite changing donor priorities. ; publishedVersion

This article explores the entry and spread of IWRM in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. It traces how the idea of IWRM was pro moted and sustained throughout the region by mapping key events, actors and networks that were involved in promoting the approach. It highlights the importance of regional networks in promoting IWRM and shows how regional dynamics, playing out at the inter face between the global and local levels, influenced the adoption/adaptation and spread of IWRM. The article finds that the idea of IWRM 'hit the ground running' in SADC due to several contributing factors. These include: historical political connections between the member countries; historically rooted well established channels and connections with bilateral and multilateral donors; the success of networks such as the Global Water Partnership and WaterNet whose mandate was to promote the concept; and the fact that two-thirds of the region's population live in transboundary basins with IWRM providing a suitable hook for transboundary cooperation, often inspired by European models. The article further argues that IWRM thrived because of strong donor agendas that were adapted by key SADC actors to suit strategic interests. It thus provided a platform for complex politically charged negotiations to reconcile apparently divergent goals such as infrastructure vs management and regional vs national interests. The practice of IWRM in the region is very much shaped by a conflation of regional, national and donor interests and has now acquired a life of its own, despite changing donor priorities. ; The Flow of IWRM in SADC: The Role of Regional Dynamics, Advocacy Networks and External Actors ; publishedVersion

A position paper on agricultural technology for rural farming in Zimbabwe. ; The south east lowveld of Zimbabwe falls under Natural Region V. It is characterized by low and erratic rainfall which averages 400-500 mm per annum. Differences in crop production in the region are striking. Individual, parastatal estate and company estate commercial farms achieve medium to good yields of cotton, wheat, sugar cane and horticultural crops. On the other hand, are communal areas where poor yields of maize, cotton and sorghum are common. The differences between the two sectors is due to water availability, which is critical to crop production in this semi-arid part of Zimbabwe. Communal farmers mostly grow their crops rainfed as they did not benefit from the massive (mostly government) investments in irrigation infrastructure as happened in the commercial farming sector (see Mlambo and Pangeti, 1996). Good agricultural seasons occur about twice in every five years. Such is the fate of Ndowoyo Communal lands in the Save Valley where the naturally rich vertisol cannot guarantee good agricultural production. ; Special thanks are due to the Netherlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC), The Hague, for providing financial support towards the hosting of the workshop upon which this book is based.

A book preface on water for agriculture in Zimbabwe vis-a-vis policy options for rural smallholder farmers. ; This book is based on a selection of papers presented at the UZ/ZIMWESI workshop 'Water for Agriculture: Current Practices and Future Prospects' held at Mandel Training Centre in Harare between 11 and 13 March 1996. The background paper to the workshop observed that water in Zimbabwe was in short supply and that droughts in the recent past have had serious implications on Zimbabwe's economy which depends on agriculture. Such a situation demands that the country's scarce water resources be used in a manner that is best for the social and economic good of the country. The challenge is not easy as the problem is multi-faceted: it encompasses natural processes, technological issues, social aspects as well as institutional and legal dimensions. A number of initiatives, such as this workshop, meant to meet the challenge head-on were already underway. Scientists from different backgrounds have undertaken research with a view to offering informed solutions. Practitioners and policy makers have also added their voice to the debate. On its part the government of Zimbabw'e has embarked on a fundamental review of the water sector. ; Special thanks are due to the Netherlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC), The Hague, for providing financial support towards the hosting of the workshop upon which this book is based. NUFFIC also met part of the publication costs. The two coordinating committees of the Zimbabwe Programme on Women, Extension, Sociology and Irrigation (ZIMWESI), a NUFFIC-funded inter-university exchange programme in research and training between the University of Zimbabwe and Wageningen Agricultural University deserve special mention for the moral support they gave us.

An analysis of the proposed new Zimbabwe water legislation. ; The availability of these draft bills presents an opportunity to assess how the proposed water reforms articulate with the realities on the ground. Some of these realities were captured by the empirical material presented in the various chapters of this book. The articulation of the proposed changes with the realities on the ground cannot be overemphasized: it is there on the ground where the usefulness of the reforms will be tried and tested. In other words the realities on the ground are the perfect benchmark upon which to evaluate the reforms. We have no hesitation to forward the empirical material presented in the various chapters in this book for this purpose. The reason for this rather bold statement is simple: we are not aware of any collection of material in Zimbabwe that so adequately demonstrates the intricacies/controversies involving water, beginning from how water is generated up to its use in both rain-fed and irrigated agriculture and to some extent for domestic purposes (refer to Lovell et al chapter). As was said in the preface of the book, technical, social, political and legal issues are at play. What this book has demonstrated, and needs re-stating, is that it is not enough to recognize the technical, social, political and legal ramifications at play. The issue is how these are actually interlinked and interrelated in practice. Such an understanding allows informed intervention which can only be a positive thing. ; Special thanks are due to the Netherlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC), The Hague, for providing financial support towards the hosting of the workshop upon which this book is based. NUFFIC also met part of the publication costs. The two coordinating committees of the Zimbabwe Programme on Women, Extension, Sociology and Irrigation (ZIMWESI), a NUFFIC-funded inter-university exchange programme in research and training between the University of Zimbabwe and Wageningen Agricultural University deserve special mention for the moral support they gave us.

A research paper on farmer - initiated irrigation furrows by Zimbabwe's smallholder rural farmers. ; Important for the contemporary debate in relation to irrigation development in Zimbabwe is the realisation that during colonial times and after independence, informal irrigation furrows were constructed and operated by smallholder farmers. This is in spite of active discouragement by government apparatus for the greater part of this century. This chapter provides some evidence of the worth and spread of 'informal' irrigation furrows in the Eastern Highlands. Such furrows should be recognised for their important productive capacities, and for the pool of managerial experience to which they give rise. We argue here that a lot can be learnt by a close examination of these furrows. The preliminary findings presented in this chapter, though limited to the Eastern Highlands, hint at their potential, and have relevance for the impending changes of the Water Act, the de-centralisation of the water sector embodied in the new Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA), and for the turning over of financial and water management responsibilities in government- initiated schemes to farmers.

Twelve contributions provide an overview of several - mainly public - agrarian institutions, grouped within three perspectives. The first deals with agrarian institutions and overall government policies while the second focuses on institutions that control land and access to natural resources. The third concentrate on institutions for communication, innovation and participatory development in agriculture and, finally, on questions of agricultural extension. (GIGA-Sbd)

For the past two decades, IWRM has been actively promoted by water experts as well as multilateral and bilateral donors who have considered it to be a crucial way to address global water management problems. IWRM has been incorporated into water laws, reforms and policies of southern African nations. This article introduces the special issue 'Flows and Practices: The Politics of IWRM in southern Africa'. It provides a conceptual framework to study: the flow of IWRM as an idea; its translation and articulation into new policies, institutions and allocation mechanisms, and the resulting practices and effects across multiple scales – global, regional, national and local. The empirical findings of the complexities of articulation and implementation of IWRM in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda form the core of this special issue. We demonstrate how Africa has been a laboratory for IWRM experiments, while donors as well as a new cadre of water professionals and students have made IWRM their mission. The case studies reveal that IWRM may have resulted in an unwarranted policy focus on managing water instead of enlarging poor women's and men's access to water. The newly created institutional arrangements tended to centralise the power and control of the State and powerful users over water and failed to address historically rooted inequalities. ; publishedVersion

For the past two decades, IWRM has been actively promoted by water experts as well as multilateral and bilateral donors who have considered it to be a crucial way to address global water management problems. IWRM has been incorporated into water laws, reforms and policies of southern African nations. This article introduces the special issue 'Flows and Practices: The Politics of IWRM in southern Africa'. It provides a conceptual framework to study: the flow of IWRM as an idea; its translation and articulation into new policies, institutions and allocation mechanisms, and the resulting practices and effects across multiple scales – global, regional, national and local. The empirical findings of the complexities of articulation and implementation of IWRM in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda form the core of this special issue. We demonstrate how Africa has been a laboratory for IWRM experiments, while donors as well as a new cadre of water professionals and students have made IWRM their mission. The case studies reveal that IWRM may have resulted in an unwarranted policy focus on managing water instead of enlarging poor women's and men's access to water. The newly created institutional arrangements tended to centralise the power and control of the State and powerful users over water and failed to address historically rooted inequalities. ; Introduction to the Special Issue – Flows and Practices: The Politics of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in Southern Africa ; publishedVersion

This paper focuses on the application of the concept of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in Tanzania. It asks: how did IWRM affect the rural and fast-growing majority of smallholder farmers' access to water which contributes directly to poverty alleviation and employment creation in a country where poverty and joblessness are high? Around 1990, there were both a strong government-led infrastructure development agenda and IWRM ingredients in place, including cost-recovery of state services aligning with the Structural Adjustment Programmes, water management according to basin boundaries and the dormant colonial water rights (permits) system. After the 1990s, the World Bank and other donors promoted IWRM with a strong focus on hydroelectric power development, River Basin Water Boards, transformation of the water right system into a taxation tool, and assessment of environmental flows. These practices became formalised in the National Water Policy (2002) and in the Water Resources Management Act (2009). Activities in the name of IWRM came to be closely associated with the post-2008 surge in large-scale land and water deals. Analysing 25 years of IWRM, the paper identifies the processes and identities of the losers (smallholders and – at least partially – the government) and the winners (large-scale water users, including recent investors). We conclude that, overall, IWRM harmed smallholders' access to water and rendered them more vulnerable to poverty and unemployment.